A monopoly over
the legitimate use of violence- the hallmark of a sovereign state- must be
regained by the Libyan government. Security issues remain the priority, as they
prevent every other sector of the society from progressing.
Thousands of people marched through the streets of Benghazi to celebrate the second anniversary of the Libyan revolution. Though most gatherings celebrated the events that brought down Gaddafi’s regime, many demonstrators also criticized the government lack of action on reforms and called for more decentralized control from Tripoli. The Libyan government also reinforced security and surveillance capabilities around Tripoli and other cities.
Though
the odds of an armed uprising remain relatively small, renewed calls for change
have found enough resonance amongst the population to incite a response from
the government. Prime Minister Ali Zaidan’s announcement came as a response to calls
for a ‘second revolution’ from citizens in Bani Walid, Benghazi and Tripoli. Additionally, various civil
society groups aim to organize protests against the government’s slow progress
on reforms. The rise of critical voices points to growing dissatisfaction
amongst Libya’s citizens and the myriad of challenges the government faces.
Perhaps
the biggest issue remains one of basic security. Armed militias continue to
escape the control of the government and High profile incidents such as the
September attack on
the US consulate in Benghazi only highlight the government’s inability to cope
and provide the basic provision of security within its borders.
Armed
militiamen continue to roam freely the streets of many Libyan towns, often
demanding special treatment because of their ‘services’ during the war.
An
international Libya support conference
was held in Paris on the 12 February to discuss the most pertinent issues
affecting Libya. All participants agreed that the most pressing issues
affecting Libya are security and the lack of solid institutions to promote
justice and the rule of law. Two plans to make progress on these areas were
announced at the end of the meeting.
Strategic
cities such as Benghazi-Libya’s economic hub and the bastion of the revolution-
provide a stark example of broken institutions and lawlessness. Benghazi has
witnessed a rising tide of kidnappings, bombings and assassinations, often
targeting government
and security officials. The lack of basic security hampers the ability of local
authorities to provide basic social provisions such as garbage collection.
Though symbolically integrated within the national security apparatus, armed
militias outman and outgun local police and continue to control key parts of
the city. Arrests are seldom made out of fear of reprisal attacks and kidnappings.
The
town has historically been wary of centralized control from Tripoli. The
inability of the government to meet the expectations of its citizens has
renewed calls for a return to a federalist arrangement. This would
significantly weaken the government and could set a precedent for other regions
to do the same.
Security
problems are not exclusive to isolated hamlets or destroyed cities like
Benghazi. Tripoli has had its fair share of violence. Assassination attempts on
government and security officials as well as kidnappings
are common occurrences. The General National Congress (GNC) has been stormed by protesters and
militiamen on a number of occasions, and its president Mohamed Magarief
survived an assassination attempt on 4 January 2013.
The
violence during the revolution already had a serious impact on the stability of
the region. Many experts point to the flow of weapons and fighters from the
Libyan conflict towards Mali as a major cause in the security deterioration in
the Sahel. Despite having closed all borders, the Libyan territory continues to
be a transit hub and the home of Islamist militants active in the region. The
attackers of a gas facility in neighboring Algeria are reported to have crossed
from Libya and to have benefited from the inadequate
security provisions on the border.
Instability
is a hallmark of most post revolutionary environments; however, the issue is
compounded in Libya due to the proliferation of weapons around the country. The
centralized approach of the Gaddafi regime is untenable due to the power and
influence exercised by militia-backed local councils. This has favored the
emergence of a weaker central government unable to impose its authority. A more
confrontational approach would risk a return to violence and greater
instability.
With
populations demanding greater autonomy
from the Tripoli, the government’s only suitable course of action is further
decentralization. Yet, security issues are likely to persist if local
authorities are not willing to take a more institutionalized approach to the
problem.
The
transitional authorities mitigated the risks of violence against the state and
its interests through social spending programs and direct cash payments to
militia members. The Zaidan government should adopt a similar approach to replace
the chaotic rule of armed factions with the rule of law. Redistributive
policies should focus on local institutions rather than individuals. This would
facilitate the integration of local factions into official state institutions
and bestow the government in Tripoli with greater legitimacy.
As Libyans mark two years of rule
without Gaddafi, the monopoly over the
legitimate use of violence- the hallmark of a sovereign state- must be regained
by the government. The immense task of rebuilding a nation after a civil
war that destroyed vital infrastructure and addressing the aspirations of the
Libyan people make security issues the priority,
as they prevent every other sector of the society from progressing. The
establishment of legitimate institutions and the rule of law are essential to
avoid jeopardizing the gains of the revolution. Fortunately, The Paris
conference produced a consensus, and a plan to address the issues. It is now up
to Libyans to take the necessary steps for a successful democratic transition
and prosperous future.
Houssem Tefiani
